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Online censorship corrupts individual freedom of thought in America, says journalist Matt Taibbi.

The Impact of Censorship on Society

The “consensus⁤ enforcement mechanism” of​ censorship⁤ on​ social media ‍has not⁢ only been an attack ⁤on ​civil liberty but ⁢has also sapped the ⁣public‌ square of a desire⁢ to reach the ​truth, according​ to journalist Matt ⁤Taibbi.

Where there was‌ once a hunger‌ for freedom, ​there is ‌now ⁢a collective apathy over fighting to⁤ keep it ⁤preserved, Mr. Taibbi said.

“In​ parallel to⁣ this ⁤censorship ⁢program,⁣ I think what ⁣they’re ⁣doing with things like ⁤shadow ⁣banning and deny listing is⁢ they’re trying ‍to simplify controversies⁢ and reduce everybody’s field of view,” ‍Mr. Taibbi said ‌in ‍an interview ⁣for EpochTV’s ⁢“American Thought ‍Leaders.”

In doing ⁣so, the will⁢ to be⁢ curious and think about issues in​ a complicated way has been⁤ exhausted, he ‌said.

“It’s making us less⁢ interested​ in ‌fighting for our‌ rights,” Mr. Taibbi said.

In‌ 2022, Mr.‌ Taibbi uncovered an⁤ FBI‍ censorship ​operation in partnership ⁤with ⁣former ‍Twitter ⁤staff, which became known as the ​Twitter⁢ Files.

In⁤ his‌ speech at “Freedom⁣ Fest” in Memphis, ⁢Tennessee‌ on July 14, Mr. Taibbi said ‌what he found ⁣unbelievable ​was⁣ not ‌the government censorship ⁢but its ⁣endorsement‍ in ⁤society ⁢at⁢ large.

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⁤ ⁣ ‌A ⁣phone screen displays a photo ⁣of Elon Musk⁤ with the Twitter logo shown ​in the background in Washington⁣ on Oct. 4, 2022.⁣ (Olivier Douliery/AFP via‍ Getty Images)

“The part⁢ that didn’t compute was ‍why so ‍many in the general public were ⁢accepting of ⁣the‌ situation,” Mr. Taibbi ⁢said⁣ in⁢ the speech. ⁤“This⁤ included ​people⁢ I ⁢knew.​ Many people ⁤in America are ⁤not ‍just accepting of digital censorship, they‍ believe it‌ to​ be vitally necessary.”

The American public had formerly⁢ been ‌known ‌for its rebellious, fighting spirit, willing to​ protest government overreach, but ‌what’s⁢ taken⁢ place over‍ the​ last several ​years has homogenized ⁤that spirit ‌into ⁢compliance, ‌he said.

This homogenization has⁤ only ⁣been ⁣facilitated‍ by ⁣social ‌media, he said.

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“I ⁣was one ⁢of the first people‍ in the ‘mainstream media’ to​ worry about ⁣it [internet censorship] in the ⁢States, and one of the⁢ first⁣ things⁣ I was told is that social media is ⁢addictive,⁢ the same way⁣ cigarettes​ are addictive,” Mr. Taibbi ​said. ​“There⁤ are ⁣studies done about how people get ⁢dopamine hits even from feeling,​ for instance,​ the ‌waffle ‍pattern​ on the ⁤back⁤ of⁤ their‍ phones; ‌they’re addicted to the⁢ whole ​process of looking ‍at their phones.”

This addiction fuels an internet‌ culture that ⁣is ⁤intrinsically anti-individualistic,⁢ he said, which most prominently shows⁣ in ⁢younger people whose ‍self-worth becomes ensnared by how much attention they’re​ getting on social‌ media,⁣ leaving‍ them to not rely⁣ on ‌self-creation but instead group ‌approval.

Mr. ⁢Taibbi said ⁣this ⁣mindset is contrary ⁢to the American‍ spirit.

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“We ⁣Americans⁢ once cherished⁢ independence⁢ and lived off folk tales about ⁤going ‍off on one’s own, on the open road,” he said in ​his‍ speech. “Think about Ishmael,⁤ or⁣ Huck ‌and Jim, or Chuck Berry,⁣ who⁣ picked‍ up a guitar and sang ​about ⁢setting out ‌with⁤ ‘no ⁤particular place to go,’ creating a dazzling sound ‍that touched a nerve with ​the whole​ world.”

But that​ spirit has departed, ​Mr. Taibbi⁢ said.

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“We⁣ never ‌had to​ think about‌ how ⁢we ​fit into ⁣a crowd as much as ​we⁣ do now,” ⁢he told EpochTV. “And I think‍ internet culture wraps up ‌everybody so much ‌in‌ group affirmation that it’s been very harmful.”

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‌ ⁤ Journalist Matt⁤ Taibbi testifies at the Select Subcommittee ‌on‍ the Weaponization‍ of‌ the Federal⁤ Government ‌hearing on “The ​Twitter Files” ⁣in Washington ⁤on March 9,‍ 2023, in a still from ⁤video. (House⁢ Judiciary‌ Committee/Screenshot via ‍NTD)

A Chilling ⁤Effect⁢ on Individual Thought

This‌ herd behavior has contaminated ‌journalism, ⁢a field that he ‌said in⁤ the ⁢past ‌instructed people to​ go ​in the ‌opposite ⁤direction,⁤ ask questions, and think critically.

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In⁤ media ⁣today, he said, journalists are discouraged to ​step out of the narrative.

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“Now, the⁣ stars of our business ‍and ‌mainstream‍ media‍ are all people who go along with the consensus view of things, and it’s very frowned upon⁣ to raise​ questions​ about things ​that have ‘been ​decided,’” he said.

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This fear has spread into academia‍ and⁤ newsrooms, Mr. Taibbi said, creating a⁣ chilling ‍effect⁣ on the sharing of individual thought.

“That’s just ‌a terrible atmosphere for‌ this kind of job because you need to have‌ that​ spirit of ⁤free ⁣inquiry in⁢ order ‍to get to the truth,” Mr. Taibbi said.

Investigative reporting​ isn’t about⁤ garnering popularity by reinforcing a shared consensus, Mr. Taibbi⁣ said, though​ that’s ⁣what journalism ⁤today has‍ become.

“Your ‌average investigative journalist—the good⁣ ones—are​ difficult,⁤ prickly people⁣ who⁢ go ‌against⁤ the‌ grain, and they ​keep digging until​ they find what⁤ they think is⁢ the truth,” ​he⁤ said. “Take ⁤somebody like Seymour Hersh—that is ‌exactly the kind of person the ‌current system ‍is ⁤designed ‍to weed out—the person⁢ who ⁢doesn’t accept ​on its face whatever the official explanation ‌of things is.”

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Hersh reported in February⁣ an‌ allegation ⁢that the Biden administration had sanctioned a military operation⁤ that involved destroying three‍ of ‍the four Nord⁣ Stream pipelines, while legacy⁢ media outlets ⁤issued ​the ⁣consensus‍ that⁢ their ‌destruction‌ was “a mystery.”

“That’s ⁤the⁤ attitude‍ of a ⁣real journalist,” Mr. Taibbi said. “They⁢ don’t want that ‍person anymore and ‌it wasn’t until about 10 years ago that‌ I​ started to see people expressing that ‍openly in the ‌business. Ever‌ since​ I’ve been ‌trying to⁣ understand why that ⁢is.​ What’s​ the​ big change?”

Even ​before the internet,⁢ there was a⁤ demographic⁤ shift⁢ in journalism, ⁤Mr.​ Taibbi said.

“When my father⁢ started doing this job, ⁢it ​was more of a trade ⁤than ‌a‌ profession,” Mr. Taibbi​ said.⁢ “It was ‌very common for ⁤people ⁤who went into ‍journalism to be⁤ the⁣ sons ‍and daughters‌ of electricians or​ plumbers or⁣ graduates‍ of ⁣typing ​schools.”


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​ ‍Washington Post reporters⁢ Carl ⁤Bernstein​ (L) and⁢ Bob Woodward ⁢speak to members of‌ the media ​from⁢ the⁤ steps of ⁣Woodward’s house in the Georgetown⁢ neighborhood​ of Washington,⁢ on June 1, 2005. (Win ⁢McNamee/Getty‍ Images)
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After ⁢the book “All the President’s Men” was published in 1974 ⁣about the ⁤1972‍ Watergate ​scandal, followed by a‍ 1976⁤ film,⁢ journalism became​ more appealing to‍ the sons and⁣ daughters​ of the‍ wealthy elite, Mr. Taibbi‍ said.

“So, ‍this created​ a problem, especially ​I noticed‌ on the campaign trail​ because they were the same⁢ people socially as ‍the people they​ were ⁤reporting on,”⁢ Mr. Taibbi said.

Instead of being adversarial, reporters⁤ had entered into ⁣a cooperative relationship with the⁣ political players,​ Mr.‍ Taibbi said.

As an example, Mr. ​Taibbi pointed to​ the 1996 book ‌“Primary Colors,” which was⁢ first‌ published ‍anonymously, ⁤though ​it was⁣ later found ‍to be written ⁢by ​columnist Joe Klein.

Klein mixed fiction‌ and ‍nonfiction to⁣ tell ‌the‍ story of former ​President​ Bill Clinton’s ⁢1992​ campaign trail.

“Instead of ‘All the⁢ President’s Men,’ ⁢this ‍was ⁤somebody ⁢who got in the⁤ inside and told ‌the‌ story from the point‍ of​ view​ of the candidate,⁤ as​ opposed ​to looking at the⁤ candidate on behalf ⁣of the ‌public,” Mr. Taibbi​ said.

‘Consensus Enforcement Mechanism’

During⁤ former ⁤President Barack Obama’s⁣ administration,⁣ and later under ⁣former President‌ Donald Trump, ‌journalists galvanized ‍into what⁤ Mr. ⁤Taibbi called a “consensus ​enforcement mechanism” resembling the ⁣Soviet, “low-rent advertisement” reporting⁤ that carried⁢ water for the factions of⁤ the Communist Party.

With ⁢no ‍evidence, American ⁤journalists⁢ took unsupported stories like ⁣the allegation⁣ that Trump had worked with the Russian government to get elected and attacked anyone who⁢ questioned⁤ the⁢ narrative, Mr. Taibbi said.

“I was recognizing the​ same ⁣kinds of language that we saw​ in the WMD [Iraq weapons ‌of ⁢mass ⁢destruction] affair, where a ⁢lot of people were talking about ⁣anonymous‍ sources,⁣ referring⁣ to things that ‌could not be independently confirmed by other reporters,” Mr. Taibbi ‍said. “Like science, ⁣if you can’t repeat the ⁤experiment‍ in ​the ⁣lab,⁣ you’ve ‌got to be a little ⁤bit⁣ nervous⁣ about it. And I⁣ thought this is ⁣a really big story‍ to be risking so much ⁤on.”

In ​May, special counsel John Durham​ issued‍ his final⁢ report in which he concluded that there​ was no collusion between Trump and Russia ⁤and that​ the FBI had made several “missteps” in the‍ investigation.

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⁣ ‌ Journalist Glenn Greenwald ⁢during ​a hearing at the Lower House’s​ Human ‍Rights Commission in Brasilia,​ Brazil, on June 25, 2019.​ (Evaristo Sa/AFP via Getty ​Images)

When he ⁣saw‍ journalists‌ like Glenn⁣ Greenwald‌ scorned for reporting​ on⁤ the holes in ⁢the⁤ story that‍ was ‌Russiagate, Mr. Taibbi ⁢said he began to⁢ become ⁣convinced⁤ that⁣ it was more propaganda than truth.

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“It only got worse from there,” he said.

Though‍ seasoned journalists⁢ like Greenwald and himself ⁤can ‍face the heat,​ Mr. Taibbi warned ⁤that this treatment⁣ dissuades ​journalists who may now



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