The federalist

Partisan abuse, not dictatorship, threatens America’s demise


The other day Rachel Maddow, one⁢ of the most unhinged conspiracy theorists in major media, described Donald Trump’s‍ alleged pitch to ‌Republicans:

If you pick me, ⁢that’ll be the end of politics, and you won’t have to deal with politics anymore. You won’t have to deal with contested ⁣elections, you won’t have to deal with contests or divisions when⁣ it comes to power, you’ll have a strongman leader and I’ll just​ do what⁣ I want. And won’t that be a lot simpler? That’s what he’s offering. That‍ strongman model is what the Republican base is enthused about.

Funny, because ​this also⁣ happens to be what Maddow ‍is enthused about.‌ It’s what the officials ​taking leading presidential candidates off ballots⁢ are ‌enthused about. So is Joe Biden, who gives angry speeches ⁤demonizing opposition ⁢voters ​and demanding one-party rule. Everyone wants his own dictator. Every president ​wants to be one. Politics can turn normally rational people into raging authoritarians.

The thing about wanna-be dictators, though, is that they have no real way of pulling it off.​ Don’t⁤ get me wrong: the ⁤consequences of an imperial presidency are bad enough. But there will be​ no military coups in America. There will ⁣be ‌no Hitler. No political ​riot is ‌going to overthrow “democracy.” That’s all‍ paranoia. The reality is much more mundane. It’s what we⁤ have now — ⁤a slow-motion, tedious corrosion of basic standards.

And⁣ both sides aren’t equally at⁢ fault. The things progressives detest most about our system—a deliberative Senate, federalism, counter-majoritarian institutions, various inconvenient liberties protected by the Bill ‍of Rights, for starters—compel Trump to ⁤deal with “politics.”

Here, for instance, is something I think most Democrats​ probably know‍ but would never say: If a President Trump blatantly exceeded his constitutional authority, it is highly likely that “conservative” justices would stop him.​ Yet every time the court⁢ renders ‍a decision undercutting the political agenda of the GOP, which is ​often, the media⁣ acts like it’s some big surprise. It’s not. And Trump, ‌for all his bluster last term, didn’t ignore the courts.

Now, ​if Biden blatantly exceeded his executive authority, as he already often does, what are the chances that a⁣ “liberal” majority court would bless his actions? When you have no limiting principles, it all comes down to justifying the ‍morality of the‌ underlying issue. Considering the⁤ modern left’s collective superiority⁢ complex, that is never a difficult task.

We⁤ don’t really need to theorize about how this works, either. Many left-wing politicians and intellectuals — self-styled defenders of “democracy” — not only‍ implore Biden to ignore courts, ‍they press him to declare national emergencies empowering the president to run virtually the ​entire economy through a massive administrative state. If Trump threatened to ​take similar ​power, the media would be convulsing with horror.

Indeed, the contemporary left isn’t working to delegitimize the court because it harbors ethical concerns (the people leading ⁢the ‌charge are corrupt), it’s because they want to circumvent a court that still occasionally limits state power and preserves American “democracy.”

Won’t that be a lot simpler?​ Maybe if Trump wins in 2024,‍ he’ll figure out that‌ the​ Federalist Society’s principled jurists make no political sense for him ​and nominate lightweight partisans like Sonia Sotomayor to uphold whatever⁣ crackpot theory⁣ he‍ wants. Why not?

When the Supreme Court upheld the Civil ⁣Rights ‌Act, eliminating racist preferences‍ in schools, Biden said, “We⁤ cannot let this decision be the ⁣last word. I want to emphasize: We cannot let this decision be ⁣the last word.” That is something of a mantra ‌for him.

A few years ago, Biden admitted⁣ he didn’t have the constitutional authority to extend (Trump’s) eviction moratorium. An extension ⁣would not “pass constitutional muster,” he said. The president, the⁢ administration noted, had “not​ only kicked the tires, he has double, triple, quadruple checked.”

It ‌was illegal, and Biden did it anyway.  Congressional Democrats, tasked to protect the interests of their ⁣institution, cheered him on. The same goes for the obviously unconstitutional student loan bailout Biden keeps⁢ proposing. High-ranking⁤ Democrats, in fact, demand that Biden ignores the Constitution and separation of powers.

If Biden feels like he can‌ dismiss SCOTUS on student loans, or⁢ anything else,​ why shouldn’t Texas ignore ‌SCOTUS on protecting its ​borders? Maybe Texas should think about taking⁤ up ⁢the ‌Biden method, which would entail erecting a new, slightly different fence every time the court shoots down the⁣ idea.

All of ‌it is reminiscent of Barack Obama telling Americans he⁣ couldn’t pass ⁤the DREAM ⁣Act because​ he was not a “king” or⁤ an “emperor,” and then doing it anyway. Indeed,​ the premise of the Obama presidency ⁣was the circumvention of​ “politics,”‌ summed up neatly in the illiberal notion of political “unity.”

Once Obama lost⁢ control ⁢of Congress in 2010, he not only acted like a⁢ person who didn’t “have to deal with politics anymore,” he became the first president in memory to openly champion working around the law-making branch of government.​ “If Congress won’t act, I will,” he liked ​to say. People ‍cheered.

Since then, every time Democrats can’t get their way, we are​ inundated with stories about⁣ how the system isn’t working correctly, rather than stories ⁤about‍ how the contemporary left is destroying the system to fix ‌the problem.

Now, I’m not‍ naïve. Most voters couldn’t care less about these idealistic arguments. I don’t know “what time it is,” apparently. That said, protecting ⁣the⁣ system ‍is⁤ not⁤ only a ⁣high-minded pursuit, it’s the most practical way to preserve your own policy achievements and freedoms.

But you can’t expect the opposition ​to ⁢play by rules when you refuse to honor them. You ⁣can’t lecture everyone about accepting⁤ elections when you ⁢won’t. And you can’t keep ‌acting like you’re saving “democracy” when you’re murdering it.

I mean,⁢ you can. It seems like the more norm-busting⁤ degradation of the system you promise, the more popular you become these days. But that does not bode well‌ for our future.


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How does the erosion of institutions and disregard for constitutional authority weaken​ the foundations of democracy?

The Rise ⁤of Authoritarian Politics: A Threat to Democracy

Authoritarianism is a concept that has gained significant ⁤attention in recent years, particularly in relation to politics. The idea of a strongman leader, who promises​ to ​eliminate the complexities and divisions of traditional politics, may appeal to some individuals⁣ disillusioned with the current state ​of affairs. But what are ​the implications​ of this growing trend towards⁣ authoritarian politics? And how does it impact the democratic values that we hold dear?

Rachel Maddow, a prominent figure in the media, ‍has been​ known for‌ her‍ conspiracy theories and unhinged views.⁢ Interestingly, she described Donald Trump’s alleged pitch ⁣to Republicans as an offer to end politics and consolidate power under a strongman leader. This is what Maddow herself appears to be enthusiastic about. But this desire for a dictator isn’t limited to‌ Maddow alone. It seems that many individuals, from leading presidential candidates to ordinary citizens, harbor‌ a longing ‌for their own personalized⁢ dictator.

However, the reality is that aspiring dictators have no real means of achieving their ambitions. In ⁢a democratic society like America, military coups and the rise of a Hitler-like figure are highly unlikely scenarios. The fear of an‌ overthrow of democracy ‍itself is nothing more than paranoia. Instead, what we witness is a slow erosion of basic standards and principles that underpin our political system.

It is important to note that both sides of the political spectrum are not equally responsible for this corrosion. The system that progressives often criticize, including the deliberative Senate and counter-majoritarian institutions, actually forces leaders like Trump to‍ engage with politics. Furthermore, the notion that conservative justices would halt a President Trump who blatantly exceeded⁤ his​ constitutional authority is plausible. However, ‍the chances of ​a liberal majority court blessing the actions of a President Biden who​ oversteps his executive authority, as he often does, are much higher. The lack of limiting principles on the left makes it easy to justify​ actions without considering the broader consequences.

In fact,‍ many left-wing politicians and intellectuals openly encourage Biden to ignore courts and declare national emergencies to exert greater‌ control over the economy through an expansive administrative state. This double standard ⁢is​ troubling, as it showcases a deliberate attempt to circumvent a court that occasionally⁤ limits state power and​ protects American​ democracy.

Looking towards the future, it is not inconceivable for a future President Trump or ​any other leader‌ to appoint partisan judges who align with their political agenda. The Supreme Court’s decision on ⁢the Civil Rights Act, which eliminated racist preferences ‍in schools, was met with Biden’s assertion that the decision should not be the last word. ⁤This sentiment has‍ been repeated by Biden​ on numerous occasions, suggesting a willingness to challenge constitutional boundaries.

Additionally, Biden’s disregard for constitutional authority is evident in his decision to extend Trump’s eviction moratorium‌ despite acknowledging its unconstitutional nature. Congressional Democrats, instead of protecting the integrity of their institution, supported this action. This pattern of ignoring constitutional limitations extends to proposals like student loan ‍forgiveness,⁢ where high-ranking Democrats demand that Biden bypass Congress and unilaterally act.

Given the prevailing attitude towards disregarding constitutional principles,‌ it ‍raises the question of ⁣why states like Texas should adhere to Supreme Court decisions relating to border protection. ​Perhaps Texas should adopt the Biden method, constructing⁤ different fences each time their idea is rejected by the court.

In conclusion, the rise of‍ authoritarian politics poses a ⁢profound threat to democracy. While the possibility of ⁣complete autocracy in democratic societies is limited, the erosion of institutions and disregard for constitutional authority weaken the foundations ‍of our democratic system. It is crucial for citizens ‌and leaders alike to recognize the importance of preserving democratic principles and resisting the allure‌ of authoritarianism. Only through a ​commitment to these values can we sustain a society that upholds the rights and liberties of all its citizens.



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