The federalist

Introducing the Unknown Group Threatening American Freedom

Unlocking the Influence of the Uniform Law Commission

If you were to ask 20 of your‌ smartest ⁤friends, co-workers, and family‍ members​ what they ‍know about⁣ the Uniform Law​ Commission (ULC), it’s unlikely any of them would have much, if anything, to say. Most ​Americans have​ never heard⁢ of the‍ ULC, even though​ the organization has become one of the country’s most influential groups.

If you were to call your state lawmakers, however, you’d likely get an entirely ⁤different‍ reaction. Virtually every legislator in America⁣ is familiar with the ULC, and most — Democrats and Republicans alike — have a positive opinion ⁢of the group. That’s largely because the ⁣ULC has a long⁤ history of working closely with legislators to develop and revise the Uniform Commercial Code, a complex ​state law passed in ⁣all 50 states.

The purpose of‌ the‌ Uniform Commercial Code (UCC) is to ensure that ​commercial and‍ financial activities are regulated as similarly as possible throughout the​ United States. Without ‌the UCC, conducting business in‍ multiple ​states would be extremely ‍difficult and costly.

Because the Uniform Commercial Code is so complicated, legislators have trouble understanding and altering ⁢it. They depend on the Uniform Law Commission, which is mostly composed of lawyers and academics, ⁣as well as the ULC’s partner organizations, to help them. As a ⁣result, the​ ULC has ​become so important to state lawmakers that it receives ⁤much of its funding from state appropriations. That means you,⁢ the taxpayer, ‍are footing the bill for the ​ULC.

For​ much of the‌ 20th century, the ULC played an important, nonpartisan,‍ uncontroversial role in helping states adopt uniform laws. But in recent decades, the group has become increasingly ‍more radical. It now⁤ regularly pushes policymakers ‌to adopt legislation that undermines the rights⁣ of individuals and enhances the power of governments, large corporations, and financial institutions.

Take, for example, the disturbing model bill titled the Public-Health Emergency Authority Act (PHEAA). The ULC drafted and formally approved PHEAA in 2023, and it’s now ⁤asking ⁣legislators to pass it​ into law.

In the event that a “public health ​emergency” breaks out in the future, the‍ PHEAA would effectively ⁤turn governors across the country into‍ all-powerful quasi-dictators.

Under the ULC’s public health emergency bill, governors would have the ⁤right to seize control of virtually every part of⁢ their citizens’ lives. They could, for instance, regulate the “zoning, operation, commandeering, management, or use of buildings, shelters, ⁢facilities, ​parks, outdoor space, or other physical space, and the management of ​activities in those places.”

They would also have the authority to single-handedly regulate ⁣public-health-related “testing, isolation, quarantine, movement, gathering, evacuation, or relocation of individuals.”

Governors could further kill, relocate, and manage plants⁤ and animals in the ⁢state, as well as suspend “a provision of any statute, order, rule, or regulation if ​strict compliance would hinder efforts to ​respond to the public-health emergency ⁣or pose undue hardship or risk.”

The ULC would also grant​ governors the right to conduct unlimited “surveillance, monitoring, or ⁤assessment of the public-health emergency or any of its effects.”

And although the ULC’s bill suggests establishing a time limit⁢ on the ⁣initial duration of a declared “public‌ health emergency,” its bill would ⁤also allow governors to renew⁤ an​ emergency with minimal oversight from legislatures, and to do so for an infinite number of times.

Emergency power isn’t the only troubling part‍ of the ULC’s agenda.

In the⁤ 1990s, the ULC convinced lawmakers in every state to adopt a new⁢ draft of the Uniform Commercial Code. The revised UCC ​significantly‍ reduced individuals’ property rights by ⁣changing rules governing the ​ownership ⁣and management of securities.

Stocks, bonds, exchange-traded funds, and ‍other‍ common investments are classified as securities, including many⁣ of⁢ the investments held in retirement accounts such as 401(k)s and IRAs.

Under the ULC’s amendments passed in‍ the 1990s, most individuals and pensions ⁢no longer directly own their investments. Instead, ownership⁣ belongs to‍ their bankers, brokers, or, in​ the vast majority of cases, the custodians holding securities on behalf of brokers or banks.

Under this​ model, brokers⁤ and⁢ banks were able to take their clients’ investments, pool them together, and then‍ take advantage of those⁢ investments by including them in their ‌financial arrangements. This ⁣has empowered Wall ⁢Street and financial institutions to profit⁣ substantially from​ their⁣ clients’ wealth, all without most ⁢people having any ‌idea how their investments ⁤are being used.

The ULC also convinced lawmakers to change the Uniform Commercial Code so — if a broker, such as Fidelity or Merrill Lynch, were to go bankrupt — brokers and financial institutions would typically be the first in line to collect payment on⁤ their ‍debts.‍ Individual investors and pensions were effectively ⁢pushed to the back of the⁤ line,​ putting ‍them in grave danger of sustaining significant losses in a future financial crash.

The ULC not only wrote and promoted the model legislation that led to these changes in the 1990s, it has also been actively fighting recent attempts by some‍ state lawmakers to give priority back to individual investors suffering⁤ from the bankruptcy of a broker. It seems ⁤the ULC is⁢ only interested in helping Wall Street and too-big-to-fail banks, not individuals and pension funds.

Additionally, the ULC has been the primary supporter of making alterations to state ‌legal ‌codes⁤ so that it would be easier for ⁤financial institutions to use⁣ a traceable, programmable, controllable ⁣central bank digital⁢ currency, should⁢ the ⁢federal government ever create one.

As all of these examples ‍clearly illustrate, the ⁣ULC is not, as its advocates often claim, a non-ideological‌ organization focused exclusively on convincing states to pass uncontroversial legislation about ‌commercial law. ‍In fact, it’s‍ quite the‍ opposite.

The ULC is one of the most⁣ influential advocates⁢ of freedom-killing legislation in America today, ⁢and anyone who says otherwise has either‍ failed to study the ULC carefully or, even more ‌disturbingly, supports its outrageous policy proposals.


What are the ​potential risks and consequences⁢ of ​securities lending and‍ the ULC’s amendments to ⁤the Uniform Commercial Code for investors?

⁤Em together, and use them for their own purposes, such as lending‌ them out or using them⁣ as collateral. This practice, known as securities‌ lending, has become a massive industry that⁢ generates billions of dollars in revenue for brokers and ⁤banks.

The‍ ULC’s amendments to the Uniform Commercial Code essentially legalized​ securities⁢ lending and gave brokers and banks the legal ⁤authority to use their clients’ investments without⁣ their explicit consent. This⁢ has led to numerous cases of fraud and abuse, as ​brokers and banks⁣ have been able to engage in⁢ risky investment practices that⁤ put their clients’ assets at risk.

Furthermore, these amendments have also⁤ weakened investors’ ⁤ability to​ hold brokers and banks accountable for⁤ any losses or damages incurred as a result⁣ of ⁤their​ actions. ⁣The⁤ ULC’s ⁣amendments ⁤include ​provisions that limit investors’ ability‌ to file ⁣lawsuits ⁢or seek arbitration in cases of fraud or misconduct.

In addition to its influence⁤ over the ⁣Uniform Commercial Code, ​the ULC has also been instrumental in shaping other areas of⁢ law, such as property law, ⁢family law, and criminal law. ​The organization has drafted model laws and encouraged lawmakers to adopt them in order to create uniformity ⁤and consistency across different jurisdictions.

While the ⁣idea of uniform laws may seem appealing, especially ⁣in a‌ country as vast and diverse as the United States, it is important to consider the potential consequences of ⁣such ⁤uniformity. The ULC’s model laws⁤ often favor the interests of powerful⁤ corporations and‍ institutions at the expense of⁢ individual rights and freedoms.

For example, ‌the ⁣ULC has drafted model laws that make‌ it easier for corporations to ⁣seize ⁣private property through eminent⁤ domain, restrict access ⁣to reproductive‌ healthcare services, and increase criminal ⁢penalties for minor offenses. These model laws have been adopted by⁣ many states, leading to a erosion of individual rights‌ and an increase in corporate power.

It is clear that the Uniform Law Commission ⁤wields significant influence over our legal system, yet most Americans are unaware of ​its existence. This lack of​ awareness allows the organization to operate behind ⁣closed doors, shaping our⁢ laws ‍in ways that may not align‌ with the values⁢ and interests of the general public.

As citizens, it is important for us to‌ educate ourselves about⁤ the ULC and its impact on our legal system. We should actively engage with our‍ lawmakers and voice our concerns about the organization’s agenda. ‌By doing⁣ so, we ⁣can help ensure that our laws are fair, just, and serve the best ‍interests ‌of ⁢all Americans.



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